A’yan al-Suryan (Syrian Notable Men)
As faithful clerics and religious men of different ranks have shone in the firmament, for whose prominence the Syrian church can vie with other nations, so also flourished distinguished learned laymen and leaders who have taken long strides in noble traits. Among these, who have been immortalized in history, were Butrus (Peter), son of Yusuf of Homs; Iyawannis al-Rasafi; the Family of Ayyar; the Family of Gomya; the Family of Tell Mahre; the Family of ‘Arabi, son of Cosmas of Edessa; the leader Ibrahim, son of Yeshu’; the leader Marutha, son of Habib; the deacon Theodore, son of Marcus; the Family of the Banu ‘Imran of Takrit; the writer Ali ibn al-Khammar; the Family of Tuma; the chief clerk Sulayman ibn al-Jamal of Baghdad; and the chief physician Abu Ali and the physicians Isa and Shim’un. All of them contributed precious treasures to the church and immortalized for themselves a name more commendable than earthly possessions.
We found it appropriate to revive their memories and present their worthy activities to our blessed church communicants, hoping that they may follow in their footstep. For what good is wealth squandered on worthless enterprises? The prudent man is he who realizes that those who acquired wealth and squandered it on worthless pursuits are engulfed by oblivion; they are losers. Our people should not imitate them, but follow in the footsteps of the admirable ones and, like them, do what is good and commendable.
Thus, we have gathered this information from ancient and modern sources, from manuscripts and published books, and decided to publish it in our magazine. This is without mentioning that a great deal of information about notable Syrians has been lost because they were not written about, or because of grievous circumstances which befell this nation, as is known.
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The Great Leader Butrus (Peter), son of Yusuf of Homs (480 A.D.)
We are told by the author of the biography of young Mar Basus, his sister Susan, and their tutors Mar Stephen and Mar Longia the Persians, who were martyred on May 11, 388 A.D., the following. He said,
“In 478 A.D., almost ninety years after the martyrdom of these saints, Rev. Dawud (David) of Tur Abdin, a monk from their monastery, desired to perform the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He took a relic of Saint Basus as a token of love and trust. When he arrived in the city of Homs, adverse circumstances prevented him from continuing the journey. He resided for a long time at the Church of the Mother of God, then under the jurisdiction of the great leader Butrus, son of Yusuf. (This church is known today as the Church of the Lady of the Zunnar (Sash), which was renovated by Patriarch Peter IV in 852, while he was still a metropolitan.] Butrus, being a devout and God-fearing believer, befriended the monk and invited him to his home. As affection grew between the two, Butrus revealed to the monk the painful time he was going through because of an incurable illness of his childless wife, which had weakened her sight. He complained that he had visited many monasteries, churches, and shrines of saints, seeking healing for his wife, but with no result. Praying to God, the monk touched the eyes of Butrus’s wife with the relic of Saint Basus, and she was immediately healed. She became extremely happy and glorified God for her healing. The news of the miracle spread throughout the city and its suburbs, and the people rushed to receive the blessing and healing of the relic.
“When circumstances improved, the monk decided to continue the journey to Jerusalem. But before he left, Butrus asked him to leave the blessed relic with him, in order that he might set it in the Church of the Mother of God. He promised to offer half of his possessions to God if He, through the intercession of the martyr Saint (Basus), would give him a son to be his heir. He further pledged that should this come to pass, he would build a great monastery. The monk agreed to leave the saint’s relic with him and continued his journey to Jerusalem and to the wilderness of the Scete in Egypt. After one year and three months he returned to Homs and found that Butrus had been blessed with twins, a boy and a girl. He was pleased, and he baptized them and named them Basus and Susan.
“On his part, Butrus built a great monastery, richly furnished. He offered it as a patrimony a number of villages to meet the needs of its inmates, and charged the monk Dawud to be its prior. In a short time the monastery (of Mar Basus) gained wide fame in Syria and other countries. Students came from all over to study and learn the monastic life. At one time its monks numbered six thousand, as was said in a letter of Patriarch Mar Severus of Antioch to the monastery’s monks, their erudite learned men and renowned monastics. This historical account was first written in Homs and then transferred to Tur Abdin.” [Paul Bedjan, Sancta Martyrum, 4: 471-505]
In the corpus of the letters of Mar Severus, we found three letters: two addressed to the monks of this monastery (of Mar Basus) between 512 and 518; and the third, dated 519, addressed to its archimandrite Julian, in which he authorized Sergius and Marion, the metropolitans of Cyrus and Sura, to ordain priests and deacons for the monastery [The letters of Severus of Antioch were translated by E. W. Brooks as The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, Part I (London: Williams Norgate, 1903) and Part II (1904). The letter addressed to the Archimandrite of the Monastery of Basus is found in Part I, 47-55; the second, addressed to Julian the Archimandrite of the same monastery, 178-197; the third letter to Sergius, bishop of Cyrus and Marion, bishop of Sura is in Part II, 350-359. Tr] Furthermore, we found at the Library of the British Museum in MS 4587 three letters of Mar Jacob of Sarug addressed to Lazarus, the archimandrite, and to the monks of the Monastery of Mar Basus, numbered 11, 13 and 14. Letter no. 12 contains the monks’ answer to Mar Jacob. Most likely, this correspondence took place in the second decade of the sixth century. The letters show the concern of the monks regarding matters of the orthodox faith. They were published by the French Orientalist Martin. [Duval, La Littérature Syriaque, 351] We also found the names of six abbots of this great monastery from 480 to 576. They are as follows:
1) Father Dawud of Tur ‘Abdin, who became superior of the Monastery of Mar Basus in 470.
2) Father Li’azar (Lazarus), who corresponded with Mar Jacob the Malphono in 514.
3) Father Julian, with whom Patriarch Mar Severus corresponded between 519 and 538.
4) Father Eusebius, who along with five abbots of monasteries addressed a letter to Mar Theodosius, patriarch of Alexandria, following the installation of Paul II as Patriarch of Antioch. They also addressed a letter to Paul II in 542. [Documenta Syrorum (Paris, n.d.), 128.]
5) Father Mari, mentioned in the correspondence between the orthodox bishops and the archimandrites following the death of Mar Theodosius in 568. [Documenta Syrorum, 152, 162, 163, 170 and 171.]
6) Father Yuhanna the Lame, who was an archimandrite of this monastery before 576, the same year of his resignation. In his letter to Yuhanna, the monk Sergius, a recluse at the Monastery of Banaqyo, supported the Patriarch Paul, mentioned above. [Documenta Syrorum, 228 and 295.]
History also mentions three bishops who graduated from this monastery. They were:
1) Bishop Yuhanna, who was still living in 568. [Documenta Syrorum, 57, 244.]
2) Sawera (Severus), bishop of Gishro, who was ordained by the Patriarch Mar Dionysius I Tell Mahre about 840 [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 155.]
3) Demit, bishop of Qardu, who was ordained by the same Patriarch Tell Mahre around 840. He passed away in 858. [Michael Rabo, 2: 155.]
Following this date we find no mention of this famous monastery, which was located between Homs and Apamea, known as Qal’at al-Madiq.
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3) The Rasafi Family
Al-Rasafi is an Edessan family whose ancestor was a prominent official of the Byzantine state in Edessa, and one of the richest men of the city. The Syrian historians Michael Rabo, the Anonymous Edessan and Bar Hebraeus mentioned him in their histories. They said, “When General Bahram usurped the Sassanid throne, young King Kisra II (Chosroes) Abrawiz sought asylum with the Caesar of Rum (the Byzantine emperor) in 590 A.D. When he arrived in Edessa, the two leaders, Marina, a Rum Malkite by doctrine, and the Syrian Iyawannis Rasafi, treated him with honor. Rasafi had him stay in his own home and treated him as kings should be treated, as is reported by the Anonymous Edessan and Bar Hebraeus. It happened that one day Kisra, who toured Iyawannis’s palace, admired the beauty of its compartments and wanted to get in. When Iyawannis learned of Kisra’s desire, he arranged a sumptuous banquet to which he invited the notables of the city, as if he wanted to vie with Marina, his counterpart, and flaunt his wealth and opulence. In the banquet Iyawannis used nothing but gold and silver utensils. All the tables, trays, plates, spoons, cups, jugs and pots were made of gold and silver. Seeing these things, Kisra was astonished at the man’s wealth. He said to him that he had not seen anything like this in his kingdom. When he finished the dinner and was much pleased, he said to Rasafi, ‘You have done your utmost to honor us. However, when a Persian king condescended to enter the homes of some notables, usually the host’s wife offered him a cup to drink. When the notable Iyawannis heard this, he felt bashful and did not want to anger the man. He left the matter to his wife, trusting that she would handle it with prudence. Meanwhile, he sent a maid to inform his wife of the matter. When Iywannis’s wife heard what Kisra had said, she disdained him in her heart. Turning to him, she said, ‘O King, you are mighty, and we rejoice in your visit. But the custom of the Kingdom of the Rum (Byzantines) forbids what you have asked of honorable women.’ According to Bar Hebraeus, she said, ‘It is not the custom of the Syrians that their women partake in a banquet for men.’ Kisra became angry and swore by his gods that he would drive her away from her homeland and make her body food for worms. It happened that when Kisra captured Beth Nahrin in 607, he took Iyawaanis’s wife and a great number of other people captives to Persia. He had her tortured and denied her the use of means of cleanliness. He had her starved and thirsty until she died. Thus, Kisra abused the generosity of the Rasafi family and repaid the charity of this noble lady, the scion of free men, with evil. May God grant her mercy.“Iyawannis had passed away having no heir except his son Sergius, whom Kisra had taken captive to Persia. But he treated him kindly and had him share his table. Sergius entreated Kisra to reutrn to Edessa to take care of his property. Kisra agreed, on condition that he should return to his palace. Upon his return to Edessa Sergius found no gold, silver, possessions or servants in his possession. But he contented himself with his other great possessions — villages, orchards, mills and shops. He married, and God blessed him with children. He did not return to Kisra.” [Patriarch Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 390, 391, 408; The Anonymous Edessan, Chronicle, 1: 216, 221-224; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, 92-93 of the Syriac text, English trans. E. A. Wallace Budge, 85-87.]
In 629, Emperor Heraclius came to Edessa and was received by the priests, monks and congregation. He was astonished at the great number of monks. He commended them and said to some of his retinue, “It is not appropriate that we should leave such a noble congregation under the authority of others.” He reconciled with the Syrian and the Greek (Byzantine) groups. At a festival, he attended one of our churches and lavished great gifts on the congregation. When he wanted to receive the communion, however, Bishop Isaiah denied him the Holy Elements unless he condemned the Council of Chalcedon in writing. Isaiah did this because of his zeal for the faith, or because of his innocence and lack of diplomatic prudence. The emperor became angry and expelled the bishop from the great church and handed it to his Rum (Byzantine) followers.
In Edessa, there were prominent leaders like the Rasafi family, the family of Cosmas, son of Arabi, the Ayar family, and many other notables. They enriched the church with gold and silver gifts and bequeathed to it as a patrimony orchards, mills, shops and public baths. They did not disobey the emperor, hoping that once he left for the capital (Constantinople), they and their bishop could return to their church. But the Arab conquest of Syria frustrated their hope. But the new Arab masters ordained that each denomination should keep the churches already in its possession. Thus, the Rum (Byzantines), who had usurped our cathedrals in Edessa, Harran and western Syria up to Jerusalem, claimed them as their own. No one escaped this injustice save a few churches in Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia). (Michael Rabo, 2: 408-410; the Anonymous Edessan, 1: 236-238)
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4) The Ayar Family
The great ancestor of this family was Ayarius, who was governor of Edessa about 589. According to Patriarch Michael Rabo, Ayarius lost his parents in Colonia, a city in the province of Firsat, Armenia, near the villages of Nicopolis. At Colonia he learned Greek and became a scribe. He came to Harran and contacted its governor Euphendinus. In 589, Emperor Maurice ordered the bishop of Harran to persecute the pagans, and he did. As a reuslt many of them converted to Christianity. The emperor also ordered that Euphendinus be crucified because he confessed Christianity outwardly while rejecting it inwardly. He appointed Ayarius as governor in his place. The family of Ayarius was distinguished for its wealth and charitable deeds. It became one of the noblest Syrian families, as has already been said. [See No. 1 of this magazine, 13. In the Chronicle of the Anonymous Edessan, the name of the head of the Ayar family is given as Anarius. In this context, however, we followed the Chronicle of Patriarch Michael Rabo.]
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5) The Family of Tell Mahre
The genealogy of the Edessan family of Tell Mahre had been associated with that of the Rasafi family since the time of Segius, son of Iyawannis. The Tell Mahres were the most famous of the Edessan notables whose star shone in the seventh century. They donated precious gifts and properties which they assigned as a patrimony to our church, as has already been said. Sufficient glory for this family is that it produced two great men: Theodosius I, metropolitan of Edessa (813-830), and his brother Dionysius I, better known as Tell Mahre, patriarch of Antioch (818-845). Both of them were distinguished leaders of the church known for their sanctity, wisdom, sound administration and knowledge. Surely, they have adorned the history of the Syrian church with their noble characteristics. May God rest their souls in peace. [Michael Rabo, 2: 409; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, 120; and our article on Anton of Takrit (Rhetor), 9]
(PmJ -1934 – 02- October and November (1934): 97-109.)
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6) Ibrahim, Son of Yeshu’, Governor of Takrit in the Middle of the Seventh Century
In the biography of his predecessor Mar Marutha, Maphrian Denha I of the East (759), said, “When Marutha built two monasteries for the monks and nuns in the names of Mar Sergius and the Virgin, God gave him a noble and trustworthy friend, Ibrahim, son of Yeshu’, governor of Takrit, to help him accomplish his projects. Ibrahim was wise, God-fearing, and loving. So it is not improper that he should be called the “second Abraham.” He built monasteries and churches in the city of Takrit and its suburbs, like the Monastery of the Virgin and the Great Church. Moreover, he took care of the fathers of the church and the monks. If we relate all his good works, it would constitute a voluminous account. May God render him a partner of our saints in His heavenly kingdom.” We wish he had written a detailed account of this noble man, which would have added a page to the summary of his commendable deeds.
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7) The Gomya Family (685-804)
The Gomya (or Gomoye) family, one of the noble families of Edessa, was originally from the town of Goma near Aleppo, just as the Rasfa family was from al-Rasafa in Iraq. The central figure of the Gomya family was its ancestor, chief Athanasius, whose biography was written by Michael Rabo, Gregorius Bar Hebraeus, and the Anonymous Edessan. These historians based their account of Athanasius on the history of Mar Dionysius I, Tell Mahre, who in turn relied on the history of his maternal grandfather Daniel, son of Shamu’il (Samuel) of Tur ‘Abdin [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 447-449; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, 112-113; the Anonymous Edessan, 1: 294-295], a contemporary of Athanasius. Tell Mahre said,
“Athanasius was wise, prudent, of sound judgment and orthodox faith. He was well versed in natural science He was compassionate toward widows and orphans, upon whom he lavished generosity. His fame spread far and wide, reaching the Umayyad Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan [‘Abd al-Malik was caliph from 685 to 705. See Jamal al-Din Abu al-Mahasin Ibn Taghri Birdi (d.1419), al-Nujum al-Zahira fi Muluk Misr wa al-Qahira, 1: 171], who called him into his presence. Recognizing his aptitude, the caliph appointed him as secretary and tutor of his young brother ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ibn Marwan, whom he had appointed governor of Egypt. The caliph granted Athanasius full charge of the distribution of the kharaj (land tax), and commissioned his sons with the administration of the country of Gonda (sic). (This information is peculiar to the Anonymous Edessan.) Athanasius displayed unusual ability and sound tactics in his performance of this duty, for which he was exalted. He gained enormous wealth, including four thousand slaves, royal palaces, villages and orchards, not to mention enormous amounts of silver and gold. The amir (govenor) of Egypt offered him money, including the payment to his sons of one dinar imposed annually on every Egyptian soldier in the army, which numbered 30,000 men. This payment continued for twenty years.
“Athanasius sent his older son, Butrus (Peter), to Edessa to inspect his property, in which Butrus set up four hundred shops. [According to Michael Rabo and the Anonymous Edessan, they numbered three hundred shops. The Edessan further mentions inns.] From their revenue he built a magnificent church after the name of the Mother of God; it is said that he only renovated it. Also, he built in the city of al-Fustat in Egypt two large churches, several monasteries and other edifices.”
The author of the biography of the Coptic Patriarch John III of Alexandria (677-686), said, “Caliph Marwan appointed two believing orthodox and excellent secretaries for his son Abd al-Aziz, governor of Egypt, and gave them charge over all Egypt, Maryut, and Lubia (Lybia). One of them was Athanasius, who had three sons; the other was Isaac (he and his son were Copts from Shubrani). Athanasius was in charge of the treasury and of sale transactions.” [Evretts, History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria (Paris, 1904), 12, 18, 54.]
Upon ‘Abd al-‘Aziz’s death, Athanasius, his sons and his household left Egypt for Damascus. It happened that Sergius, son of Mansur, a Rum Malkite [ He was father of the famous learned John of Damascus] and secretary to the caliph, slandered Athanasius to the caliph, saying, “the son of Gomya (Athanasius) has appropriated the treasures of Egypt.” But when Athanasius went to see the caliph, he received him with alacrity and said to him, “We do not accept that all this money should be the possession of a Nasrani (Christian). So share it with us.” Athanasius agreed and voluntarily gave the caliph a great amount of money, and even more. The biographer of Patriarch John, mentioned earlier, says that the caliph, contriving many pretexts, detained Athanasius and confiscated the money he had made in Egypt. But the account of the Syrian historians in this case is more correct and trustworthy. It stands as evidence of the great wealth of this distinguished man. [Neither al-Maqrizir nor Ibn Taghri Birdi mentioned Athanasius, despite the fact that they treated the accounts of the rulers of Egypt in details. This is because the majority of Muslim chroniclers overlooked distinguished Christian leaders and learned men, with the exception of a few, like Ibn Abi Usaybi’a in his Tabaqat al-Attiba (Categories of Physicians).]
Upon his return to Edessa, Athanasius built a splendid baptistry and placed in it the portrait of the Lord Christ which King Abgar V had sent him with John, who was in charge of the royal seal. Following is the reason for the construction of the baptistry:
One year, the treasury of Edessa contained a surplus of five thousand dinars. Still, the (Syrian) people of the city did not have a sufficient amount to pay their creditor. A wicked man told Muhammad, the official tax collector, that if he confiscated the portrait of the Lord Christ, known as the Portrait of the Kerchief [thought to be the kerchief the Lord Christ wiped His face with while on His way to Golgotha to be crucified], the people would even sell themselves and their children to redeem it. When Muhammad proceeded to confiscate the portrait, the Edessans became dismayed. They told him that they would offer everything they had and even die rather than lose it. In desperation, they went to their leader Athanasius, asking him to settle their debt. They pledged to give him the portrait as security until they paid the amount Muhammad demanded. Athanasius responded with alacrity and settled the debt. What he did, however, was to employ an artist who made an exact replica of the original portrait and made it look as if it was old. Eventually, the people paid Athanasius the amount and asked him to give them back the portrait. He handed them the copy, which they mistakenly took to be the original. A few years later he built a baptistry and a magnificent temple (church) decorated with ornaments, overlaid with marble and adorned with gold and silver [This is what Michael Rabo and the Anonymous Edessan say. According to Bar Hebraeus, Athanasius decorated the temple with gold and silver and overlaid it with copper], in honor of the precious antique portrait, which he placed in it. He also constructed an aqueduct to bring water to it, as Bishop Amazonius [Amazonius, a Malkite bishop, was still living in the year 522 A.D. See Duval, Histoire d’Édesse, 216.] had done to the old great church of Edessa. He lavished unlimited amounts of money on this project. Later on, he told the people of Edessa the truth of the whole matter. Mar Mikha’il (Michael Rabo) said, “I think that since the time of the Byzantine emperors, the portrait had been in the possession of the Malkite (Chalcedonian) people of Edessa, but Athanasius took it from them.” He also said concerning the events of the year 775 A. D., “When al-Mahdi (the Abbasid) became Caliph, he ordered the destruction of the churches built in the time of bygone Muslim caliphs. He also inflicted punishment on the Manichaeans, killing a great number of them. He had Christians arrested, among whom were eight members of the Gomya family. They were slandered to him maliciously because they refused to receive him in their village. They were imprisoned and tortured. Some of them died and the rest were freed.” [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 478-479.]
Syrian historians relate concerning the events of the year 797 that the members of the Gomya family discovered the treasure which has been hidden by the wife of Iyawannis Rasafi when she was deported to Persia by King Chosroes, as was said earlier. Because the Rasafi family was connected through the female line with the Tell Mahre family, this family inherited their house. The Tell Mahre family offered this house to the Gomya family as a part of the dowry of one of their daughters. Her son, Silvestrus, inherited it and then bequeathed it to his children together with other items, including a great amount of money. The children, who squandered their inheritance in frivolous living, became overburdened by debts. They began to dig under the floor and behind the walls of their house, searching for the treasure. They had already been informed of the treasure hidden in their house, known as the Rasafi treasure. After much labor they found the treasure, which they squandered on eating and drinking, and on horses and hunting dogs. The news of their dissipation reached the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid, who was then at al-Raqqa. He had them arrested and sent a eunuch who confiscated all of the precious vessels which they had sold. Also, he arrested their aged mother and freedwomen and confiscated their money and expensive gold and silver vessels, including jugs and jars of silver filled with Byzantine dinars. They also contained figures of snakes and scorpions made of gold and silver. Others contained simia [ A substance believed to transform brass into gold], which the Rasafi children thought was dust. They squandered it out of ignorance and sold the vessels which contained it.
Furthermore, the eunuch detained their sister, a young virgin, on the fourth floor of a house of a Rumi (Greek, Byzantine) man. He stationed soldiers to guard her. During the night, the young woman heard the tramping of footsteps and mistakenly thought that the guards were coming to rape her. She wrapped her face with a kerchief and threw herself down through the small window to the ground and was badly injured. She died the next day. Scared, the eunuch collected whatever money was there and went to the caliph to tell him about the incident. Feeling sad for the young woman, the caliph relented and set her brothers free, giving them one-fifth of the money collected by the eunuch. The Anonymous Edessan sets this event in the year 804 A.D. [Michael Rabo, 2: 485; Bar Hebraeus, 130; the Anonymous Edessan, 2: 4, 6.]
The Anonymous Edessan says that the great Church of the Mother of God, built and renovated by Bar Gomya, was still standing in 1100 A.D. Priests who emigrated to Edessa were praying in it. He also mentions a group of Syrian notables, among whom were Abu al-Yusr, son of Gaddatha, who was a chief in the city; ‘Abduh, son of Yuhanna, and his brother Ma’ruf; Farlij, Musa and Barsoum, sons of his commander; the brothers ‘Adnan and Qufer; Badrwanj, son of Khanjur; the notable merchants Saliba and Theodore, sons of the archdeacon Basil; and Barsoum, son of Shalbi, who restored the waterspring with his own money.
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8) The Leader Marutha, son of Habib of Takrit
Marutha, son of Habib a distinguished Takritian, was secretary of the amir of Egypt. He had power and influence in Egypt like that of the Edessan Athanasius of Gomya. One day he went hunting with his retinue. He reached the Monastery of St. Antonius in the Scete wilderness, where he was received with great honor by the Coptic monks. He asked them if there were Syrian monks among them, saying he would like to meet them. They said that Syrian monks were scattered among many monasteries. He sent someone to gather them and bring them to him. Upon meeting them, he discovered that they had no monastery of their own in Egypt. So he bought a monastery for them from the Patriarch of Alexandria for 12,000 dinars and had the document of sale inscribed on a tablet in Syriac and Coptic, most likely in the eighth century. He called it The Syrian Monastery, the name by which it is still known to this day. (In some copies the amount is mentioned in dirhams rather than dinars, but in fact the sale was in dinars.) This tablet was discovered in the first decade of the eleventh century inside the dome which tops the door of the monastery’s church. This took place in the time of Abbot Saliba of Arzen (977-981), the aged monk Yuhanna, the aged monk-Rabban Jacob, the aged Rabban Ibrahim, the cenobite Rabban Yuhanna and his brothers Matta and Saba, the monk Gabriel, and the monk Shim’un and others. A copy of this inscription was discovered by Timothy Tuma, son of Nur al-Din of Mardin, bishop of Amid and the monastery which belongs to the Patriarchal See. In 1562, Timothy and his brother, Patriarch of Antioch Ignatius Ni’mat Allah, stopped on their way to Jerusalem at the Monastery of Musa the Abyssinian in the town of Nabk in Syria, where Timothy came upon a copy of the inscription of the Monastery of the Syrians in Egypt. [Paris MS 27]
According to some sources, the cost of purchasing the monastery was donated by the Syrians of Takrit through the efforts of the great leader Marutha. This monastery was located in the Nitrun (Nitrene) Valley. The following inscription was found on its altar:
Musa, superior of this monastery, erected this holy altar in the Monastery of the Mother of God, for the honor, glory and exaltation of the Holy, Worshiped and One Essence Trinity, in the time of Patriarch Gabriel (of Alexandria, 909-920), and Patriarch Yuhanna V of Antioch (910-922), on May 5, 1225 of the Greeks/914 A.D. May God reward and protect him and every believer who participated in the building of this holy altar and the monastery. May God forgive their sins and have mercy on their souls and the souls of their deceased ones, because they did this in His honorable name.
The following inscription was found on the door of the monastery:
Musa of Nisibin, abbot of this monastery, erected this door with his own money in 1238, in the time of the blessed Patriarchs Cosmas III of Alexandria (920-932), and Mar Basilius II of Antioch (923-935), for the glory and honor of the Holy Trinity. May God reward him and those who participated with him for the sake of His name. May God answer their requests.
Since this monastery and its monks have gained widespread fame among the Syrian monasteries, we found it appropriate to mention the names of some of its elect abbots, which we found in its important manuscripts. They are:
1) Bar ‘Idi, abbot of this monastery (851-859)
2) Yusuf I (888)
3) Yuhanna I, son of Makarius (894)
4) Musa of Nisibin (907-944). He was a diligent man who went through the Syrian countries collecting magnificent Syriac manuscripts containing rare information, which he added to the library of the monastery. In the middle of the nineteenth century they were purchased by the British Museum and other European libraries.
5) Saliba of Arzen (977-981)6) Gabriel (tenth century?)
7) Yuhanna II (before 1006)
8) Dawud (David: 1006-1007)
9) Basil (1222)
10) The Qummus (chief priest) Yuhanna III
11) Yeshu’ of Zarjal (1254-1257)
12) Yusuf II (thirteenth century)
13) Constantine I (thirteenth century)
14) Constantine II (thirteenth century).
15) Yuhanna IV of Basibrina (fourteenth century)
16) Metropolitan Severus Quryaqos of Lebanon (1484-1529). The monks and ascetics during his leadership numbered thirty-four, among whom were Metropolitan Yuhanna and Metropolitan Khalaf, who resigned their leadership to become anchorites in this monastery.
17) Qummus Yuhanna V of Cyprus (1518)
18) Metropolitan Iyawannis Jirjis, son of Amir Shah of Wank (1633)
19) Qummus Abd al-Masih (1634)
The Monastery of the Syrians is still populated by Coptic monks.
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9) The Ishaquni Family
We failed to mention the noble Ishaquni Family of Amid, which should have been placed after the biography of the leader Butrus of Homs.
Ishaquni was a remarkable family founded by the patrician (consul) Ishaq, son of Bar’i, a commander at Amid. Zachariah of Mitylene says that Isaac’s prominent position placed him above the rest of the patricians and rulers of the East. Being wealthy, he was very generous to the church of Amid. Concerning the events of the year 503 A.D., he further says, “The Persian King Kawad waged war against the city of Amid and subdued it, killing 80,000. He took from the treasury of the Church of the Forty Martyrs great quantities of church gold and silver vessels and costly garments, which the wealthy leader (consul) Ishaq, son of Bar’i, had donated to the church a short time before.” [Zachariah of Mitylene, 2: 78. According to the English translation, Zachariah said of these events, “But he (King Kawad) took a quantity of silver and gold and the holy vessels and costly garments formerly belonging to Isaac bar Bar’ai, a consul and rich man of the city, which had come to the church by inheritance a few years before.” See J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks, trans., The Syriac Chronicle Known as that of Zachariah of Mitylene (London, 1899), 158. Tr] From this account we see that Patrician Ishaq flourished in the second half of the fifth century.
Patriarch Michael Rabo mentions among a group of archimandrites and noble ascetics who, because of persecution for their adherence to the Orthodox faith, deserted their monasteries between 521 and 527, Iliyya (Elijah) archimandrite of the Monastery of Ishaquni. Most likely, the remarkable members of the Ishaquni family did built a monastery in their name, even if Elijah was not a member of the family. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 1: 266)] Among the members of this noble family was Tuma, the ascetic saint, whose life was written by the contemporary historian John of Ephesus. John was a friend of Tuma, whom he accompanied to Antioch. He visited his hermitage in Egypt and detailed his activities. He said, “Tuma, of the famous Ishaquni family, was a handsome and charming young man. Like the children of kings, he was raised in affluence. He was very elegant and extravagant and used to wash his hands and face ten times a day. He was extremely wealthy, possessing enormous amounts of money, property, slaves and maid-servants. He attached himself to Mara III, metropolitan of Amid, who ordained him a deacon and made him his secretary. When the metropolitan was banished to Petra and then went with his entourage to Alexandria in 519, Tuma was in his company. At Alexandria, Tuma met an ascetic and wished to follow his manner of living. To do so, he dwelt in an old cistern and devoted his time to worship and spiritual exercise until his facial features changed. Upon the death of the confessor metropolitan around 530, his associates decided to transport his body to his country (Amid). They urged Tuma to return to his homeland to inspect his extensive possessions. Upon returning to Amid, he declined to enter his house but went to reside in the Monastery of Mar Yuhanna. He shunned people and devoted his time wholeheartedly to the worship of God, with much weeping and submission. He became a good example of abstinence after a life of indulgence.”
John of Ephesus goes on to say, “After Tuma divided his possessions with his virtuous sister, Cosmo, which he most likely donated to the monasteries and to the needy, he removed to his hermitage in Alexandria. Here he led an ascetic life, as he had before, for twenty-six years, until God transported him to his abode of honor in 546 A.D. Three years after his death, his intimate friend the ascetic monk Zota died. See (may God protect you) how this man, who was raised in affluence, achieved the highest degree of virtue because he preferred God’s love to the world. He won a good name and the felicity of the life to come. May God sanctify his memory. [John of Ephesus, The Life-Stories of Eastern Saints, 1: 187-213]
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10) The Scribe ‘Ali Ibn al-Khammar of Baghdad (977).
Khammar was a rich Syrian family of Baghdad in the tenth century. Two of its members, the brothers ‘Ali and al-Hasan, the sons of Suwar, son of Baba, son of Behnam, widely known as Ibn al-Khammar, were distinguished for their noble origin and learning.
Aftekin, the Turkish commander and freed-slave of Mu’izz al-Dawla ibn Buwayh, chose the elder brother, ‘Ali, as his secretary and took him along when he invaded Syria. Aftekin was a prominent Turkish commander who, after the death of Subustakin in 974, became the ruler of Syria by the consent of its citizens. He terminated the khutba (Proclamation) of the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu’izz li Din Allah and proclaimed the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Taii’ li Allah (as the lawful sovereign). He defeated the Egyptian army commanded by Jawhar. At the end of August 977, the Fatimid Caliph al-‘Aziz defeated him outside Ramla and took him captive to Egypt. He treated him with charity until his death from poisoning. [Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, 1: 255-272; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zahira, 4: 108; Muhammad Kurd Ali, Khitat al-Sham, 1: 221-222; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, 193-194, relates how Aftekin became subject to the Byzantine Emperor John Tzimisces, who called him Alftekin.] Al-‘Aziz also killed his secretary ‘Ali, who left behind a good name and commendable deeds. Among his remarkable achievements was the renovation of the dome of the Church of the Resurrection, the object of Christian adoration.In his continuation of the history of Sai’d ibn Batriq, the Malkite Rum historian Yahya ibn Sa’id al-Antaki said, “In the course of the leadership of Anba Tuma, the Patriarch (i.e., Tuma II, the Rum Patriarch in Jerusalem, 969-980) retrieved (sic) and restored what had been ruined in the Church of the Resurrection (This church was pillaged and its doors were set on fire by Muhammad ibn Isma’il al-Sannaji, governor of Jerusalem and his men; its dome collapsed on May 23, 966.), through the efforts of a Christian Syrian scribe called ‘Ali ibn Suwar, also known as Ibn al-Khammar, who rebuilt the dome of the Church of Resurrection. This man, Ibn Suwar, was with Aftekin, the Turk from Iraq who conquered Syria. He was a very rich man of extensive wealth. He was killed when Aftekin was defeated and fled before he had finished the rebuilding of the Church of the Resurrection. Another copy states,“Most of what had been ruined was rebuilt by a Christian scribe called Ibn Sawar” [Vol. 2: 125, 240]
Al-Hasan, known as Abu al-Khayr Ibn al-Khammar, was born in 941 or 942. He studied under the Syrian Yahya ibn ‘Adi and became a famous physician and philosopher. [Georg Graf, Geschichte der Christlichen Arabischen Literatur, 2 (Vatican City, 1947): 156, calls him a Nestorian who joined the School of Yahya ibn ‘Adi, but offers no proof. Tr.] He was of utmost intelligence, prudence and social behavior. He was mentioned at length in books of philosophy. Muslim writers mention him with great esteem. Among those who studied medicine and philosophy under him was master Abu al-Faraj ibn Hindo.
It was known that when al-Hasan was invited by a man of piety, he would go on foot to meet him. But when the sultan summoned him to his presence, he went mounted in the manner of kings and great men. He would surround himself with three hundred Turkish attendants riding excellent horses. Upon arriving in the sultan’s presence, he would kiss the ground before him with utmost reverence. This is what Ibn Abi Usaybi’a, quoting Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Ridwan, wrote about him.
His important works on medicine and other sciences are mentioned positively. Fifteen of these consisted of full-length books and treatises; six others are mentioned only by name in Ibn al-Nadim’s al-Fihrist . They include three treatises on harmonizing the ideas of philosophers with those of the Christians. [Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 270; Ibn Abi Usaybi’a, Tabaqat al-Attiba’, 1: 322-332; our article “Nawabigh al-Suryan fi al-Arabiyya al-Fusha”, 5]
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11- The Family of Abu ‘Imran of Takrit (991-1097).
The account of the Family of ‘Imran of Takrit, their noble origin and ancient ancestry, combining the glory of the present world with the reward of the next, constitutes a lengthy chapter in the history of our people. Suffice it to say that Abu al-Faraj Bar Hebraeus wrote golden lines in praise of this family. No wonder that it is the pride of Takrit, the ornament of Iraq, and the crown of its notables.Concerning the events of the year 991 A.D., Bar Hebraeus said, “As the wicked governors of Takrit oppressed its Syrian Christian citizens with heavy taxes, they deserted their city and were scattered throughout the countries. But wherever they resided, they built churches and monasteries and adorned them with precious gifts. The most famous of them were three noble brothers of the Family of Abu ‘Imran who lived in Melitene. They built in that city churches and convents, and monasteries for monks in its suburbs. [When the Coptic bishop of Tennis was delegated by his Patriarch of Alexandria to Mar Yuhanna Ibn Abdun, Patriarch of Antioch, he mentioned that the Syrian Orthodox had fifty-six churches in Melitene at the beginning of the eleventh century. See Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 2: 145.] On Fridays they visited the poor from early morning to noontime to offer them help. The Byzantine Emperor Basilius II (976-1025) [ Basilius II and his brother Constantine VIII ruled after John I Tzimsces for 58 years] resented them, and because Melitene was under his authority, he forced them to mint the state’s coins for one year. They did so, but their wealth did not diminish. One day the emperor needed funds and went personally to ask them to lend him money. When they saw him, they prostrated themselves before him in utmost reverence and offered him a hundred qantars of gold, the equivalent of a million gold dinars. [The qantar was estimated at 10,000 dinars. In his Subh al-A’sha, al-Qalqashandi said that Arabic dictionaries differ regarding the worth of the qantar.] However, the emperor paid back the debt, thereby proving that he was just.
Chronicles are replete with commendable accounts of their generosity and wealth. It was said that at one time when the Turks invaded Melitene, the elder brother Shaykh Abu Salim, who was on a visit to some monasteries, fell into their hands and was taken captive. The Turks said to him that since he was rich, he should ransom himself. Abu Salim said, “If you sell me all the captives, I will buy them.” The captors laughed and said, “How much will you pay for them?” He said, “I will pay five dinars for each one of them.” They said, “We agree.” When he was assured of their word, he sent for the money and ransomed the captives, who numbered fifteen thousand. The ransom money amounted to 75,000 dinars, which he paid for the sake of God and for obtaining His good will. May God make the kingdom of heaven his final abode! Bar Hebraeus added, “We have only recorded these ancient chronicles in order that people might know the wealth and affluence our nation had enjoyed, and to what condition it has gotten today.” [Bar Hebraeus, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal {Compendious History of Dynasties}, 197-198.) What shall we ourselves say about the condition of our people today?
Bar Hebraeus also said in the annals of the year 1096, “After Gabriel, the ruthless Greek governor of Melitene, had its learned Bishop Mar Yuhanna ibn Sabuni killed unjustly, his wickedness raged even more by poisoning to death in that same year the prominent Orthodox Abu Salim, son-in-law of the Family of Abu ‘Imran. In the following year (1097), he killed three venerable Syrian merchants: Barsoum, son of Ibn al-Rahiba, and his two sons, Basil Hawwa and the deacon Sahdo of the village of Tantini. He confiscated their possessions and the gold, silver, and furnishings of the family of Abu Mansur ibn Malka. He demolished their houses and built with their stones the citadel and the walls of the city. Moreover, he looted the crosses, censors, Chrism jars, and church vessels of the Great Church of Melitene.” [Bar Hebraeus, 262]
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12) Deacon Theodore, son of Marcus of Takrit (1046)
Hiba, or Theodore, son of Marcus, son of Yuhanna, a famous and wealthy merchant of Takrit (Hiba, Theodore in Greek, means the gift of God) flourished in the middle of the eleventh century. He lavished on the church abundant generosity. With his own money he built in Takrit a new church in the name of the Virgin and Mar Ahodemeh. In a magnificent copy of the Gospel transcribed in the Estrangelo script, the famous copyist monk Emmanuel of Basibrina of Tur ‘Abdin said that he finished its transcription at the Monastery of Qartmin on November 2, 1353 of the Greeks/1041 A.D., according to two correct copies. It was donated as a patrimony to the cathedral of Takrit known as the New Church, named after the Virgin, the Apostles, and the martyr Mar Ahodemeh by deacon Theodore, that is Hiba, son of Marcus, son of Yuhanna of Takrit, who built it with his own money in the time of the diligent shepherd the Maphryono Mar Basilius IV of Takrit and All the East in 1046. Praising Theodore, Emmanuel said, “He was the descendant of a glorious and noble house. He was known for his nobility, virtue, and zeal for religion. He was devoted to building and adorning churches.” [See St. Mark in Jerusalem, Syriac MS 1.]
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13) The Tayyib Family of Takrit (about 1120-1273)
The Tayyib were a noble Syrian family of Takrit whose men were engaged in business. They moved to Egypt and mingled with Coptic families. They occupied high positions in the Egyptian government, and some of them filled prominent ranks in the church. They combined knowledge with actions and came to be known as the Family of ‘Amid (Ameed).
Jirjis al-Makin, known as Ibn al-‘Amid, said of his family, “In the time of the Caliph al-Amir bi Ahkam Allah (the Fatimid Caliph Abu ‘Ali al-Mansur ibn al-Musta’li, who became caliph on December 13, 1100 and died in October 1130), a Syrian Christian from Takrit called al-Tayyib ibn Yusuf came to Egypt with many loads of ‘Atabi clothes and lined silk garments [‘Atabi is a kind of cloth, and Abrad silk is a kind of lined cloth] manufactured in India and Yaman. He offered the best of these materials as a gift to the Caliph al-Amir bi Ahkam Allah, who appreciated his gift and rewarded him generously. The caliph summoned him to his presence and liked his expression, decorum and reasoning and ordered him to stay in Egypt. He exempted his business from taxes and offered him a village in the Houf district (The Houf is divided into eastern and western districts, yet they are connected with each other. The eastern Houf faced the area leading to al-Sham (Syria), while the western faced Dimyat (Damieta). Both contained many towns and villages. [See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan, 2: 267] called Bahida, near Ladmas (sic). Al-Tayyib resided in Cairo until the Caliph al-Amir died in 1130, and then moved to live in Samutiya, where he married a native woman and had a son named Qarawina (sic). Al-Tayyib died and was buried in the church of Samutiya. His son, Qarawina, grew up to become a scribe and became busy with serving the government. He fathered a son whom he named al-Tayyib after his father, and who also grew up to be a skillful scribe. He moved to Cairo, mingling with its dignitaries and entering their service. When the dignitaries witnessed his sharp intelligence, reasoning and good conduct, they employed him as the administrator of the Gharbiyya district; he moved and lived there for seven years. He gained fame and desired to engage in agriculture and raising cattle. As he gained great fame, he was forced to pay 20,000 Egyptian dinars. [Most likely this amount was exacted unjustly from him.] He had no choice but to sell his possessions of cattle and house furniture to pay that sum. He further pledged not to occupy a governmental position or teach his children to be scribes.
Qarawina had five children, four of whom became bishops (The names of these bishops, unfortunately, are not found in the history of the Coptic Church. What is unusual is that seldom did four brothers become bishops. See how righteous this family was, and how its men devoted themselves to religious service.), the youngest of whom was Abu al-Makarim, who owned cattle, farms, and over a thousand beehives. He married the sister of al-Makin Sim’an, son of Kalil Maqara (Makarius), from the family of Mikha’il (Michael) Bisho. (That is al-Ramla, in the neighborhood of Banha.) In former times Bisho was called Mikha’il in honor of a church named for the Angel Mikha’il (Michael). Thus, it came to be known as the village of Mikha’il.Al-Makin Sim’an was a skillful scribe (secretary) who occupied various positions in the Egyptian government. In the year 1173 he served in the military department of al-Malik al-Nasir Salah al-Din Ayyub (Saladin), who granted him a fief land in Hajrawan (sic). He continued to serve the army department until the year 603 A.H./1206 A.D. He left the service of the Adiliyya government [the government of al- Malik al-Adil, Saladin’s brother] and became a monk at the Monastery of Bhannis (Yuwannis), in the Hubayb valley in the Scete desert. He became known for his strict devotion and good conduct. (Al-Makin Sim’an (Simon) was son of Kalil, son of Maqara (Makarius), son of Abu al-Faraj the Copt. He was a venerable monk who wrote a book entitled Rawdat al-Wahid was Salwat al-Farid, in twelve chapters. Copies of this book are in the libraries of the Za’faran Monastery and St. Mark Monastery in Jerusalem. It was published in Egypt in 1885.) [ Barsoum’s information about al-Makin Sim’an is not as clear as that produced by Georg Graf, who says al-Makin Sim’an served Saladin in 1173. But three years later he entered the Monastery of Bhannis, where he lived as a monk for thirty years, devoting his time to writing and the spiritual training of monks. He died in 1206. Georg Graf, Geschichte der Christlichen Arabischen Literature, 2: 336, gives the title of his book as Rawdat al-Faird was Salwat al-Wahid. Tr] He sired three children, including al-Najib Abu al-Fadl and al-‘Amid Abu al-Yasir, who served in the army department, holding the position of his uncle al-Makin Sim’an, who had become a monk. His life was like that of saintly monks who lived in the wilderness. He spent most days fasting and praying incessantly, while not neglecting to carry out his service at the army department. He never hoarded possessions, but distributed to the needy whatever exceeded his basic needs.
Abu al-Makrim was highly respected by al-Malik al-Adil Sayf al-Din Abu Bakr ibn Ayyub (Saladin’s brother) for his religious devotion and honesty. And when the treasurer, Ibn Sinat al-Dawla, fell ill and died, Abu al-Makarim spent forty-five years serving the army department until his death in 636 A.H. /1238 A.D. May God rest the souls of all of them in peace. Amen. [Quoted from a MS in our Library entitled Anis al-Jalis al-Hawi li Kull Fann Nafis by Muhammad, disciple of Shaykh al-Islam Abu al-Than Abd al-Rahim, which contains chronicles of Coptic patriarchs.]
The chronicler Jirjis al-Makin was son of Al-amid Abu al-Yasir, son of Abu al-Makarin, son of al-Tayyib. [See Bulus Sbat, 2: 152. Some writers, including Assemani, mistakenly made al-Makin the son of Abu Elias, but in fact his father was Abu al-Yasir.] He was born in 1205 A.D. in Cairo, where he studied and then served in the army department. When the governor of Syria subdued ‘Ala al-Din Taybars (sic) [In his Littérature arabe (Paris, 1902), Clement Huart gives the name as Taybars. More correctly he is Baybars, the mamluk of al-Malik al-Salih. See the Chronicle of Abu al-Fida, 3: 172], he arrested the employees of the army department, including al-Amid and his son al-Makin Jirjis. Al-Amid passed away in 1238. Baybars then released al-Makin and employed him in service at the army department. Later he became suspicious of him and had him arrested. Displeased with government service, Jirjis moved to Damascus, where al-Malik al-Nasir appointed him as his secretary. According to Bar Hebraeus, about this time (1254) the Syrian Patriarch of Antioch, Dionysius VII Aaron, visited Damascus. He went to see al-Malik al-Nasir and obtained from him an investiture (royal decree) for Jirjis. Bar Hebraeus was one of the bishops who accompanied the patriarch on his visit to al-Nasir. (Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 1: 719)
Al-Shaykhal-Makin died in Damascus in the year 1273. He wrote a comprehensive history from the beginning of the world until his own time called al-Maj,mu’ al-Mubarak (The Blessed Collection), in two parts. Part 1 extends from the creation until the Muslim Hijra in 622 A. D; part 2 continues from the Hijra to the year 1260. He incorporated in it an abridgement of the history of Tabari. He appended to it the chronicles of the first three centuries. The book appearedin print and was translated into Latin, English and French. [Huart, 208, and al-Mashriq, Vol. 12] Jirjis assumed the nickname of al-Makin as a token of love for his father’s uncle al-Makin Sim’an ibn Kalil [For more on al-Makin and his writings see Georg Graf, Geschichte der Christliche Literatur, 2: 348-351. Tr]
Al-Makin Jirjis had a brother named al-As’ad Ibrahim who was secretary of the army department. Ascribed to him is a book called Mukhtasar al-Hawi (A Compendium of al-Hawi) [Al-Hawi treats monastic virtues and spiritual life. It is a very thick volume, written by the monk Nikon in poor Arabic. See Kitab al-Nahla (The Book of the Bee) by Makarius ibn al-Za’im (d. 1672), patriarch of the Malkite Rum (Greeks). ] The Coptic writer Ibn Kabar ascribed it to the Malkit monk Antiochus. Some contemporary Coptic writers speculate that the one who abridged it was al-Shaykh Jirjis al-Makin, who they say, ended his life as a monk in the Monastery of Bhannis (Yuwannis), or John the Short, known as the Baghl (Mule) Monastery . Most likely, however, is that his brother al-As’ad Ibrahim was the one who worked on this book; the person who became a monk at the Bhannis Monastery was his father’s uncle, the monk Sim’an ibn Kalil, nicknamed al-Makin. Thus, contemporary writers erroneously thought that al-Shaykh Jirjis became a monk at the end of his life. What is known about him is that he was still in the service of the government until his death at Damascus. And God knows best.), composed by Nokon, a Malkite Rum writer and abbot of the Monastery of Sim’an Thaumaturgus, who was still living in 1072. The Coptic writer Abu al-Barakat ibn Kabar (1323) said in his book Misbah al-Zulma, “Some Copts abridged this book titled al-Hawi, but, actually it belongs to the Malkite Rum.”
Also gaining renown was al-Makin’s nephew (his sister’s son) Abu al-Fada’il, who headed the delegation of Damascus to Hulago in 1259. [See Habib al-Zayyat, Khabaya al-Zawaya, 8.]
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14) The Notables of Amid
The Anonymous Edessan says regarding the legacies of the twelfth century, “Noble men from the city of Amid (Diyarbakr) shunned the world for the love of the life to come and became monks in the Edessan Mountain. They volunteered their work to build a convent for nuns in the northern part of the city. They entrusted the management of their possessions to the priest Abu Salim of Amid in the first decade of the twelfth century. We were unable to locate their names. May God richly reward them.” [The Anonymous Edessan, Chronicle, 2: 200]
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15) The Chief Syrian Physician Abu ‘Ali (1169)
We have also come upon the account of a venerable Syrian deacon, Abu Ali, the chief physician. He was (may God be gracious to him) virtuous. He renovated with his own money a monastery lying to the west of the city of Mardin in the name of the martyr Mar Jirjis in the year 1169. He was mentioned by the copyist of the magnificent Gospel preserved in the Za’faran Library MS 3, which belonged to the Church of the Forty Martyrs in the time of the abbot Mahbub and the priests of the church Ibrahim, Isa and Mansur. The copyist, however, did not refer to the native city of the deacon Abu Ali. Most likely he was a native of Mardin. May God have mercy on him and reward him for his good works.
Regarding the Monastery of Mar Jirjis, Severus Malke, son of Phanna, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta in 1699, said that in his time the Muslims captured it and called it Khudr al-Akhdar (sic). (See the end of the Gospel.) It remained in ruins for a long time.
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16) The Shumanna Family of Takrit (1129-1170)
Shumanna was a noble family of the twelfth century which produced three prominent men. The first was Mikha’il Shumanna, governor of al-Ruha (Edessa), who occupied a place second only to its Frankish lord, Count Joscelin, since 1121. He was delegated by Joscelin to the lord of Diyarbakr on a mission concerning the journey of the Patriarch of Antioch Abu al-Faraj Athanasius VI in 1129. (See the Anonymous Edessan, Chronicle, 1: 201.)
The second was Mar Basilius Abu al-Faraj bar Theodore Shumanna, metropolitan of Kesum [an ancient city in the province of Samosata, which according to Ibn al-Shihna was a village a few miles away from al-Hadath. [ See Tarikh Halab, 226. The author does not identify this Ibn al-Shihna. He must be Abu al-Fadl Muhammad ibn Shihna (1402-1485), who wrote a continuation of Tarikh Halab (History of Aleppo) by Ibn al-Adim (d.1262). Tr] and then of Edessa. He was a nephew of the governor Mikha’il.
Mar Basilius was a distinguished church father of the twelfth century, well versed in the Syriac and Arabic languages. He suffered hard and changeable times. He witnessed the the conquest of Edessa by Imad al-Din Zangi and its destruction, first in 1144 and later in 1146. Zangi entrusted Basilius with the administration of the city because of his wisdom and prudence. He became the highest authority in Edessa and succeeded in having many natives released from captivity. He wrote a short history of Edessa and composed three metrical odes in the Sarugite (seven-syllable) meter on the destruction of the city. He served the priesthood for thirty-nine years, from 1130 to 1169, when he passed away. May God have mercy on him. [The Anonymous Edessan, Chronicle, 2: 305-309; Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 632-639.]
The third of the Shumanna family was the physician-deacon Sahdo. He was competent, prudent and well versed in the Syriac and Arabic languages. He was still living in 1170. [The Anonymous Edessan, 2: 209]
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17) Iliyya (Elijah) of Edessa and Saliba of the Kemash Family
Among the notable Syrians whose commendable deeds are mentioned in history were the two merchants Iliyya of Edessa and Saliba of the Kemash family. They were wealthy and distinguished for their charity. The Anonymous Edessan, in the annals of the year 1146, which marked the destruction of Edessa, said, “When the Turks (the Zangids) captured and looted Edessa, they excavated under its houses, hoping to find hidden treasures dating back to ancient times, which the people of Edessa had no knowledge of. They found in the church of the Syrians precious vessels which had been donated by ancient kings and notables, and expensive curtains donated by later men. Most of these were donated by two believing Syrian dignitaries, Iliyya of Edessa and Saliba of the Kemash family who lived in Constantinople. They made plenty of donations to churches and monasteries and to the needy. May God reward them in His kingdom. [The Anonymous Edessan, 2: 146]
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18) The Physician Shim’un (Simon) of Kharput (1207)
The physician Shim’un of Kharput became well known for his piety and generosity to the Monastery of Zoniqart and its inmates in the first decade of the thirteenth century. In his Ecclesaistical History, the learned Bar Hebraeus said, “At this time (about 1207), the righteous physician Shim’un of Hisn Ziyad [ Hisn Ziyad is modern Kharput or Khartbert, situated between Malatya (Melitene) and Amid, but nearer to Melitene. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jma al-Buldan, 3: 285.] renovated the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos, known as Zoniqart, in Hisn Ziyad at the confluence of the Rivers Dhib and Arsanius. (Both are tributaries of the River Euhprates.) He adorned it with royal artifacts and gold and silver vessels. He gathered into it about sixty monks, offering them vast tracts of land and plenty of cows, sheep and bee-hives. The monks were served meals at the same table, according to the custom of other monasteries in Cilicia. They became famous for their virtuous living. Before long, however, this holy place fell into ruins, as we shall mention later.” [Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 3: 285]
We read in a manuscript copied in the handwriting of the famous Zebina (a Syriac name meaning buyer), which he completed for this monastery in 1227, “This monastery was populated by eighty monks leading a communal life according to that of the holy Apostles.” He calls it “The Monastery of the Mother of God and Mar Quryaqos the martyrs.” [The Diyarbakr MSS, in our handwriting.]
One proof of the flourishing of this monastery is that the Patriarch of Antioch, Mar Ignatius III, resided in it for a long time, beginning a few years after his installation as patriarch in 1222. [Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 1: 647]The same historian described its destruction briefly, saying, “Physician Shim’un had a wicked son named Mikha’il. He was a young wastrel who encumbered the monks with his demands to the extent that they eschewed him. Sultan Rukn al-Din converted him to Islam and had him expel the monks from the monastery. Mikha’il invited a band of ruffians to torture them and drive them away. They pillaged the possessions of the monastery, including expansive church vessels and magnificent manuscripts. But they were bought back from him by Saint Dioscorus, metropolitan of Hisn Ziyad. [The published copy of this account mentions “Dionysius, metropolitan of Hisn Ziyad.” More correctly, he was Dioscorus, who became metropolitan of Hisn Ziyad in 1248 and died shortly after 1275.] Among them was a copy of the pictorial Gospel in the handwriting of Rabban Zebina, which the metropolitan donated as a patrimony to the Syrian church of Tabriz. Divine justice punished this wicked man, however, in the same summer when he perpetrated his abominable acts. He was killed in the warfare started by the citizens of Hisn Ziyad and Sharaf al-Din ibn al-Shaykh ‘Adi in support of Rukn al-Din against Sultan ‘Izz al-Din. [Bar Hebraeus, 1: 723, 725.]
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19) The Family of Tuma of Baghdad (1143-1277)
Members of this family were known for their nobility, wealth, knowledge, able administration, and high ideals. Their star shone in the twelfth century. Church history mentioned their ancestor Abu Tahir Tuma in the year 1143, in which the Maphryono Li’azar (Lazarus) of the East ordained his two sons and cousin deacons [Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 3: 327]. But the founder of their business and the builder of their grandeur was the physician Amin al-Dawla Abu al-Karam ibn Sa’id ibn Yahya ibn Hibat Allah ibn Tuma the Syrian of Baghdad. He was a distinguished physician and a prominent dignitary of that city. [Ibn Abi Usaybi’a erroneously called him Abu al-Firanj. Actually, Sa’id (Syriac Soloqo) is an ancient Syriac Christian name.]
At the beginning, Sa’id was engaged in medical sciences. Because of this, he served Najm al-Dawla Abu al-Yumn Najah al-Sharabi, and later became his vizier and secretary. He was a proficient and successful physician. He entered the service of the Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir (reigned 1180-1225) and participated with his physicians in diagnosing his ailments. For his honesty and able administration, the caliph entrusted him to serve in different departments. He advanced in rank to become like one of his ministers. The caliph trusted him so much that he made him the keeper of his possessions and retinue. He even deposited his money with him and delegated him to his chief minister with confidential matters. He was so completely loved and honored by the caliph (al-Nasir) that he committed to his care his sons, daughters and wives. [Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, trans. Ernest A. Wallis Budge, 1 (Oxford University Press, 1932): 385. Tr] .
Abu al-Karam Sa’id, may God have mercy on him, was a man of high character, honesty, understanding, and liberal–mindedness, and a good intermediary in fulfilling the wants of the needy.
Toward the end of his life the Caliph al-Nasir suffered from failing sight and lapse of memory because of the many sorrows which plagued him. He was no longer able to read or write confidential reports. He brought into service a woman from Baghdad named Sitt Nasim to write his communications and documents in handwriting similar to his. She was joined in this matter by a servant (eunuch) named Taj al-Din Rashiq. Both Sitt Nasim and Rashiq wrote whatever they wished in the caliph’s name. It happened that the vizir, Mua’yyid al-Din Muhammad al-Qummi, wrote a report to the caliph. Upon receiving the caliph’s answer, he noticed a discrepancy between what he had written and the caliph’s response, which made him suspect that there was something wrong. [Ibn al-Fuwati says in his al-Hawadith al-Jami’a, 32, that the Caliph al-Mustanisr (more correctly al-Nasir] dismissed al-Qummi from his position as deputy Vizier on 17 Shawwal, 629 A.H./1232 A.D. This document was found by Rev. Louis Cheikho, who wrote an article about it in al-Mashriq (1920): 569, without revealing the name of its author. For the biography of the Vizier al-Qummi, see Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, Kitab al-Fakhri, 229. The author had a good knowledge of kings.] He called the physician Abu al-Karam Sa’id and asked him confidentially about the matter. Abu al-Karam informed him of the caliph’s failing sight and his lapses of memory. He told him that the woman (Sitt Nasim) and the servant (Rashiq) had been tampering with the caliph’s official correspondence. The vizir stopped handling most of the official matters sent to him.Also, Sitt Nasim and Rashiq suspected that Abu al-Karam had discovered their secret and exposed them. Rashiq plotted with two brothers, the sons of Qamar al-Din, who had been soldiers in the caliph’s service, to assassinate Abu al-Karam. One of them was still in the army service, while the other was without a job. They ambushed Abu al-Karam at night as he left the house of the vizir on his way to the caliph’s palace. They followed him to the Ghalla Gate under darkness and, pouncing on him, stabbed him with a knife, wounding him. He cried, “Seize them, they are so and so.” When the assassins heard him shout, they returned and finished him off. They also stabbed the man who had been carrying the lamp in front of him. The city and the caliph’s palace were immediately thrown into commotion. The physician (Abu al-Karam) was carried to his house and buried in it. Nine months later, his body was moved to the graveyard of his family at the Church of Mar Tuma in the Muhawwal Gate. Sentinels were stationed at his house and the house of the vizir to protect the belongings of the women and retinue, which were deposited with him.
The murderers were found and arrested by Ibrahim ibn Jamil, who dragged them to his house. The next day they were taken to a place where they were killed by having their bellies flayed and their bodies hung over the door of the altar opposite the Ghalla Gate. The assassination of Abu al-Karam took place on the night of 28 Jumad al-Ula, 620 of the Islamic calendar [According to Jamal al-Din al-Qifti and Ibn Abi Usaybi’a, the assassination occurred on 18 Jumada. According to Ibn al-Fuwati, 366, the Ghalla Gate is actually The Ghalla Gate of Tuma.], corresponding to the year 1233 A.D. [Bar Hebraeaus, Syriac Chronicle, 449-450. See Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, trans. Budge, 385-386. The patriarch has taken a great deal of liberty with Bar Hebraeus’s narrative. Tr]
In his Fawat al-Wafayyat, 2: 191, Ibn Shakir al-Kutubi mentioned the reason for the assassination of Abu al-Karam Sa’id. He says that a group of soldiers had gone to Abu al-Karam in matters concerning their provisions, which were under his control. He was somehow unpleasant to them, and they decided to kill him. Two of them ambushed him and stabbed him to death with knives. This is incorrect. More correct is what we have already related, based on the accounts of trustworthy historians who were contemporaries of Abu al-Karam Sa’id and those close to his time. This is not to ignore the fact that Abu al-Karam was a man of sound administration, compromise, and sublime character.
Al-Kutubi further said the Caliph al-Naisr ordered that Abu al-Karam’s money be transferred to his own treasury, and the cloth and other property should be left for his sons. It is estimated that the transferred money amounted to 813,000 dinars. His other possessions and property were estimated at about a million dinars. (Al-Kutubi, 2: 191.]
The learned Bar Hebraeus said, “Abu al-Karam begat three distinguished sons: Shams al-Dawla Abu al-Khayr Sahl, Fakhr al-Dawla Mari, and Taj al-Dawla Abu Tahir, all of whom occupied great positions in the state, especially the eldest, Shams al-Dawla.” [Bar Hebraeus, trans. Budge, 386]
In his al-Hawadith al-Jami’a wa al-Tajarib al-Nafi’a fi al-Mi’a al-Sabi’a, 198, Kamal al-Din Abd al-Razzaq ibn al-Fuwati of Baghdad said [It is a detailed book published recently in Baghdad by Mustafa Jawad (1351 A.H./1932 A.D.). From this book we learned the name of Shams al-Dawla, whose agnomen was Abu al-Khayr Sahl.) ] Of the events of the year 642 A.H./1245 A.D., he said, “In this year died the physician Shams al-Dawla Abu al-Khayr Sahl, son of Tuma the Syrian Christian. He was raised in dignity, social rank, and closeness to the caliphs. He had been entrusted with the management of the money and affairs of the state from the time of al-Nasir to this day. The Caliph al-Mustanisr had been in communication with the Vizir al-Qummi (already mentioned), and then, with Ibn al-Naqid, about administering the affairs of the state. But when he (Abu al-Karam Sa’id) died, the caliph laid his hands on his possessions and treasures and transferred the precious belongings he had to the caliphate department (the caliph’s treasury). The money which he left was estimated at 600,000 dinars. He (the caliph) arrested his two brothers and some of his companions for days, but then released them. He honored his two brothers, Fakhr al-Dawla Mari and Taj al-Dawla Abu Tahir, with gifts. He entrusted Fakhr al-Dawla with the administrative responsibilities of Abu al-Karam, including the stewardship over the gates and fallow lands kept ready for planting. The caliph also appointed Taj al-Dawla as the steward of the Anbar Gate, which belonged to the daughter of the Caliph al-Mustansir bi Allah. He restored to them whatever he had taken from the possessions of their brother.”
Concerning the events of the year 634 A.H./1236 A. D., al-Fuwati said, “On 10 Jumad al-Akhira, the Caliph al-Mustansir honored his men Abu al-Hasan Ali ibn al-Mukhtar al-‘Aari and his deputy Mari ibn Sa’id ibn Tuma the Christian, and the representatives of his Diwan (government).” (Al-Fuwati, 94)
The learned Severus Yaqub (Jacob) of Bartulli, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta (1232-1241), composed two metrical odes in the twelve-syllabic meter (the meter peculiar to St. Ephraim) in praise of Fakhr al-Dawla and Taj al-Dawla. [See our biography of Jacob of Bartulli, 8.]
In his Ecclesiastical History, 3: 407-409, Bar Hebraeus said, “In the year 1237, the Maphryono of the East, Mar Yuhanna Ma’dani, arrived in Baghdad. He was honored by the distinguished chief physicians, the three brothers and sons of Tuma — Shams al-Dawla, Fakhr al-Dawla and Taj al-Dawla — who were in the service of the caliph administering the affairs of his government. They were astonished at his venerable character, keen intelligence, and great learning and fortitude. They honored him and lavished on him plenty of gifts.”
The three brothers were engaged in the medical profession, which they had learned from their father, and excelled in it. Despite their high ranks, they devoted time to the service of the holy church. Fakhr al-Dawla Mari was an archdeacon, and Taj al-Dawla Abu Tahir a deacon ordained by Gregorius Bar Hebraeus in 1277. [Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 412. The printed copy of this history mentions the name of Shams al-Dawla, clearly a copyist’s error, since Shams al-Dawla died in 1245.]
In his sermons the Maphryono Yuhanna al-Ma’dani recognized their lofty positions. In one of his homilies he said, “We ask the Almighty and glorious God to protect the office of the Imam (Caliph) al-Mustansir (reigned 1126-1243), make him prosper, and give him victory over his enemies. We also ask him to exalt the state at the hand of the eminent learned Shams al-Dawla, the pride of this nation, the pillar of the Christian religion and the lord of the sons of baptism. He is supported by the providence of God and the Abbasid state. We also ask God to protect the eminent learned Fakhr al-Dawla, the lord of his people, the support of the Christian nation and the exalted archdeacon. May the star of his glory keep shining, to brighten the nation and overwhelm his enemies.
“We ask God to protect the life of the distinguished learned Taj al-Dawla, the pride of the holy church and the Christian nation. We ask Him to make him successful, prosperous and glorious.
“Believers, who are present at this happy festival with safety and no fear, and protected by divine providence, may God bless you by the intercession of the Lady (Virgin Mary), Mother of Light, and the intercession of all the saints.” [MS of the homilies of Ibn al-Ma’dani in our Library, transcribed from an ancient copy in the possession of the late deacon Na’um Fa’iq of Amid (d. 1931)]
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20) The Physician ‘Isa of Edessa (1245)
The physician ‘Isa of Edessa was known for his generosity and excellent character. Bar Hebraeus said that around the year 1245, the physician ‘Isa of Edessa the Syrian was known in Melitene. He had studied medicine under Hasnun of Edessa and then moved from Melitene to Cilicia, where he entered the service of the Armenian King Leon. At the city of Sis, he built a wonderful church in the name of the ascetic Mar Barsoum. [Bar Hebreaeus, Syriac Chronography, 479, and trans. Budge, 409-410.]
Bar Hebraeus further related about the events of the year 1266 that when the Egyptians attacked Sis, setting on fire and destroying its great church and even more churches, only two churches escaped destruction, namely, the Church of the Mother of God and the Church of St. Barsoum, because no wood was used in their construction. [Bar Hebraeus, trans. Budge, 446]
21) The Family of Tuma al-Sharqi (1050-1292)
In the thirteenth century flourished in Cilcia a Syrian family who originally came from Hisn Kifa. It was descended form its great ancestor, Tuma al-Sharqi (the Easterner), who lived in the middle of the eleventh century. A member of this family, the priest Yeshu’, mentioned his origin, saying that he was the son of deacon Yaqub (Jacob), son of Shim’un (Simon), son of Tayyib known as the Family of Tuma al-Sharqi from the town of Hisn Kifa. He went on to say that he was born in Hisn Kifa. In his youth he moved to Melitene and received a blessing by kissing the right hand of Patriarch Mikha’il Rabo. He studied under Mar Iyawannis Yeshu’, metropolitan of Ra’ban (1187-1210), and was ordained a priest by the Patriarch Mar Ignatius III, for the new cathedral he built in the city of Qal’at al-Rum (The Greeks’ Citadel) in the name of The Mother of God in 1235. [According to a book of liturgies at the library of the Patriarchate of the Syrian Catholics in Beirut.]
Tuma the Sharqi had three sons who served the priesthood. They were the priests Ibrahim, Shim’un and Yaqub. Among his grandchildren was Philoxenus Nimrud, son of the priest Ibrahim, who later became metropolitan of Melitene in 1272, and then a Patriarch of Antioch in 1283. He died in 1292. But the one who achieved most fame among them was the priest Shim’un, who gained wide recognition in the medical profession and played a decisive role in the Tatars’ state.
In his Syriac Chronography Bar Hebraeus said, “In those days the physician priest Shim’un (Simon) entered the service of Hulago, the Mongol king, and gained great fame and a prominent position. He was beloved by the sons of the kings and queens. He possessed royal palaces, meadows, gardens, and plantations in Maragha. His annual income was 5,000 dinars from Baghdad, Athur, Cappadocia and Maragha. Our people obtained great help and honor through him. Because of him, the church enjoyed stability and protection in every place.” [Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, trans. Budge, 437. Tr] Furthermore, Bar Hebraeus brought attention to Shim’un’s eminent position, love of knowledge and determination to revive our institutions and past glories. He praised him so much, calling him “Master Rabban Shim’un, the King physician of the Kings of Kings, a title only used by Hulago.” [Bar Hebraeus, 437. Tr] Following Shim’un’s suggestion, Bar Hebraeus wrote his book on astronomy, entitled The Ascent of the Mind, and translated from Arabic into classical Syriac Ibn Sina’s book on logic, al-Isharat was al-Tanbihat (The Book of Indications and Prognostications)..In it he described Shim’un as “the bright sun of our nation and the shining star of the age.” [See the introduction to these two books. The first was published in Paris in 1899; the second is still in manuscript form, a copy of which is at our Library and the other is at the library of Florence. Both are magnificent books.]
However, Shim’un and his brother, the priest Jacob, are to blame for opposing the Patriarch of Antioch Ignatius IV over the headship of the Monastery of Mar Barsoum, which was under the authority of the patriarch. But then they reconciled with the patriarch and submitted to him.
The Maphryono Gregorius Barsoum al-Safi, brother of Bar Hebraeus, said, “On January 14, 1289, the physician priest Shim’un passed away, having been killed on the same day in which the Amir Bugha, his sons and companions were killed.” (Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, 562.) He had two sons –Taj al-Dawla, who studied under the learned Bar Hebraeus and was mentioned in the annals of the year 1284 (Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiasrical History, 2: 457) and Emmanuel. [Oxford MSS]