Mystics Quarterly
EARLY SYRIAC CHRISTIAN ASCETICISM
While allChristianasceticscultivatedrenunciationofmaterialpossessions
andfixedabode, severanceof familyties,assumptionof thesufferingof Jesus Christ, as well as dietary and sexual restrictions, many cultivated distinctemphases in theirascetic practice.The distinctiveemphasis of asceticbehavior intheSyriacChristiantraditionhas been thesubjectof a considerable body of scholarly study. Several features of this practice shouldbe recalledforthepurposeof thediscussionhere.As an acceptable,
prescribedmode ofreligiousbehavior,thepracticeofasceticismhadbeen
an integraplartofSyriacChristianityfromitsinceptionsincethe”Syriac
New Testament supported an ascetical understanding of the teaching of Jesus.”3There isa significantlinguisticdimensionthatilluminesthiswell.
The Syriac term for the ascetic, ihidaya,
had a rich clusterof associations. Itmeant “single” in the
sense of “unmarried,” or “celibate”; italso meant “single minded,”undividedinheart.But intheSyriacversion
of theNew Testament,Christ is called theIhidaya, the
“only-begotten.” So becoming “single” meant becoming Christlike. This terminology encapsulates a distinctive
spirituality?thatthe singleheartedascetic images the singularity ofChrist.”4
The ascetic spiritualityof these”singleones”was rootedina particular
of theBeatitudesand inthe
interpretation teachings Gospels, particularly
those inLuke 14where Jesus instructs on the requirements of discipleship.5
Such discipleship, “lived out by laymenand women throughvarying degrees of sexual and material renunciation,constitutedthe highest
expression of Christian life.”6 For Aphrahat, the “intention of these ascetic celibateswas publicly toput on thepersona of theIhidaya. . . .Their purpose was to imitate Christ.”7
Within their local Christian communities,male and female ihidaya “formed an ‘informal class of believers’ called theBnay and Bnat Qyama
(Sons and Daughters of theCovenant). By ‘taking a stand’ {aqum) in the ‘singleness'(ihidayuta)ofcelibacyandmind theyassumedatbaptism,
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such ‘covenanters’ were thought to have entered a special relationship
withChrist,and apparentlyservedas exemplarsforothermembers of their
The of and his fellowmembers of the community.”8 practice Aphrahat
bnay qyama was characterized by a specific emphasis on theother-worldly dimension to the practice, on alienation, for the purpose of cultivating a lifeuncontaminatedby thecorruptionandways of theworld.9As we will
see, this emphasis enabled the bnay qyama to interpret their persecution inthecontextofChristiandiscipleship inaway thatwould rendertheir
both and salvific. suffering necessary
APHRAHAT AND THE BNAY QYAMA
Aphrahat was a prominent monastic member of the Syriac-speaking
Christian community in the Persian Empire, and his twenty-three Demonstrations serve as a principle literary source for information about
the organization and practice of this community.10 Aphrahat has been hailed as
the sole surviving representative of a type of Christian
thoughtwhich was essentially Semitic and utterly
independentof both Latin and Greek philosophy.The medium of his thinking, classical Syriac, was far closer
totheJewishAramaic ofBabylon, thanwas theSyriacof later Christian writers,11
This blend of languageand sourcematerial definesa particularliterary status for the Demonstrations. The language of his Demonstrations contains pure and idiomatic Syriac; the content confirms the extensive
use ofTatian’sDiatesseron and theSyriacPeshitta}2 In both language andcontent,thecompositionoftheDemonstrationsexposesa linktothe Judaicfoundationof SyriacChristianityE.xisting sourcesprior to thefifth century,includingamongotherstheChronicleofArbela, theChronicle of Seert, theDemonstrations, and the accounts of themartyrs persecuted
underthereignofShapurII,supportsawide diffusionofChristianitywith ecclesiastical structure and organization throughout thePersian Empire.13
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Under Shapur II “theZoroastrianfaithand Sasanian powerwent hand in
hand.”14A policyofreligioustolerationmaintainedintheearlyportion
of Shapur IPs reignwas halted in337 CE when persecutionagainst the Christian community was implemented. Several factors contributed to this
shiftinpolicy.TheZoroastrianMagi hadsteadilygainedpoliticalinfluence resulting in an increased national fervor and the renewal of tenuous ties
betweenthMeagi andtheChristians.Inthecaseofthispersecution,”king
andclergyjoinedhandsincombinedaction,”althoughShapurIIwas the one who “presented the required sacrifice as a proof of loyalty to crown and
countryp,ersonallyintervenedintheprocedure,and curbedtheunbridled
persecutions
for reasons of state.”15
In 337-338 CE, thePersian attackon Nisibis starteda war with Rome. Shapur II demanded that the costs of war be relieved throughthe
imposition of heavier taxation and that the need for recruits be satisfied. Both were met with reluctanceand passivity by theChristians.The
legalized status of Christianity in theRoman Empire also prompted the view that Christians in the Persian Empire were more disposed toward
Roman emperors. Such a view may have been more thanmere impression. The earlyhistorianSozomen includedinhisEcclesiasticalHistorya letter
from the Emperor Constamene to the previous ruler, Shapur I, claiming thathewould have “a greatand eternallyinscribedkindness” towardthe
Persian ruler if”he should become humane concerning those under him who respected Christian doctrine.”16 Emperor Constantine attested that therewas nothingobjectionable inChristianworship and thathis own
faithinChristhadproducedsucha positiveoutcome:”Writingsuchthings to Shapur, Constantine tried to persuade him to thinkwell of this religion, for he possessed a great solicitude for Christians everywhere, Romans and
foreigners.”17 From the evidence ofAphrahat we know thatConstantine’s
effort to seek solace for these Christians was unwelcome under Shapur II. While ShapurIIwas preparingforwarwithRome, “theRoman emperor
Constantinew,ho consideredhimselfthesovereignofallChristians,had made them(i.e.,theChristiansinthePersianempire)hisprot?g?swithout
theirasking.”18Finally,antipathybymany Jewsmay have contributed
to this situation.”ForAphrahat, alongside practical issues of bolstering faith in a time of persecution, a key concern still seems to be to persuade
Jews that Jesus was the trueMessiah and the Son of God.”19 Shaul Shaked 113
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has described this period as “in many ways themost important of several
turningpoints in Jewishhistory”due to thedevelopmentof rabbinic Judaism and the Babylonian Talmud.20
Aphrahat composedDemonstration VI in 337 CE, a year of intensified
attentiongiven to thepresence of Christianityin thePersian Empire.21 According to Shaked, theChristians “were growing in termsof the
numberof adherents,theywere undergoingpersecutionas a resultof the incursions,theyweremaking intothefabricof therulingZoroastrian
society,and theywere seekingtodefinetheirproperidentityas againstthe Jews and theZoroastrians.”22 Demonstration VI addressed the specific role
of themonks, thebnayqyama,withinAphrahat’sChristiancommunity in the face of these trials. It is likely that he wrote thisDemonstration
in response to a request from a friend who was quite possibly a fellow monk.As with theotherDemonstrations,Aphrahat intendedhiswords for a larger audience and wrote in the hope that theywould be read and
discussed.
DEMONSTRATION VI
Demonstration VI served as “a circular letter intended for thewhole qyama around Aphrahat’s correspondent. The circular letterwas meant to be passed on to the ahe bnay qyama: ‘the fraternity of the Covenant.'”23
It begins,
The words thatI speak are appropriateand fittingto be received.For letus be aroused fromour sleep at thistime
(Rom 13:11) and raiseourheartsalongwith ourhands to heaven towardGod.Maybe all ofa suddentheLord of the housewillcomesothawthenhehascome,hewillfindus
ina stateofwakefulness.24
The tone of the letter is characterized by a dual sense of expediency and
call is to readiness and towatchfulness. Both tone and call reflectthecontextof confrontationf:irstbetween theChristian
urgency; Aphrahat’s
community and its Zoroastrian rulers and second between the Christian
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communityand itsJewishneighbors.Aphrahathad earlier situatedthe
same dual sense of urgency and readiness inDemonstration V, ‘On Wars,” where he discloses concern and anxiety over thewar and confirms the
presence of strong anti-Persian sentiment in the Christian community. Here hewrites,”It isowing totheobstinateprideofPersia thatitsfall is
assured. The armies of Rome will not be defeated by the forces gathered
togetheragainstthem,fortheywillholdthekingdomforHim.Rome is the cause of Jesus, and itwill not fail to conquer.”25 Traces of this attitude are reflected inDemonstration VI where Aphrahat addresses the nature of combat between the crafty,manipulative Adversary and the staunch
Christian belief and practice of “those who are spiritual.” He writes,
All thechildrenoflighthavenofearofhim,seeingthat darknessfleesfromthepresenceof illumination(1 John 2:8). The childrenof theGood [God]arenotafraidof the
Evil One, for [God]has givenhim tobe trampledunder
theirfeet 3:15 ;Ps 91:13 ;Luke When he takes (Gen 10:19).
on the semblance of darkness to them, they themselves become light, and when he creeps up to them like a snake,
theybecome salt (Matt 5:14), somethingthathe cannot eat.26
“Those who are spiritual”are encouraged to resist the temptationsof theAdversary by “liftingtheireyes toHeaven” in response to the call towakefulness.Aphrahat thendescribes thework of theAdversaryby
presentinga seriesof instanceswhere theAdversaryworked througha woman in order to lure a man. He warns, “[Satan] made his incursion on AdambymeansofEve,andinhischildishnesAsdamwasbeguiled(Gen
3.1-7),”27 and so toomust his audience remain awake to the temptation thatsurroundsthem.Episodes fromtheOld Testamentsupplyadditional
examples: with some such as Samson, David, Moses, Solomon and Ahab,
theAdversaryissuccessfulw,hilewithotherssuchasJoseph,Job,and KingAsa, theAdversaryisnot.Successfulenticementresultsinablemish
of some sort that serves as a marker of fallenness.
On one level, theseverses reveal thenatureof theAdversary and the method of temptation; perhaps, on another level, they uncover the nature
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of a Christian community under persecution. The claim thatAphrahat makes regardingtherelationshipbetween theAdversaryand thosewho are spiritual might apply as well to the relationship between persecutors
and thosepersecuted:”Spiritualpeople can see him as he fights,and his weapon hasnopowerovertheirbodies.”28IfAphrahatestablishedthatthe
cause of the Persians is not the cause of Jesus Christ inDemonstration
he definesthecause of thePersians as thecause of theAdversary inthese verses of Demonstration VI.
Aphrahatresolvesanymisdirectionregardingdoctrinalissuesamonghis audience by supplyinga brief statementof theorthodoxview of Jesus Christ,with particularattentiontomanifestationsof theSpiritofChrist.
The Christian is called to “take on the likenessfromour Savior…being hemade himself For theChristianthiscallwasmanifestin
rich, perfect.”29 the vocation to imitate Christ. “When
our Lord came, he went about in our nature,butoutsidehis [true]nature.Let us remaininour [true]condition,
so thaton theday of justice he will make us share inhis condition.”30 Aphrahat explains thatwhen “he came tous, he did not have anything of
ours,nordidwe have anythingofhis, thoughtthetwonaturesbelonged tohimandhisFatherN.owwhenGabrielannouncedtotheblessedMary who gave him birth,theWord setofffromtheheightand came, ‘and
the word became body and dwelt in us.'”31 That is, Jesus Christ became humaninordertoprovidetheChristianwithameans ofreturningtoHim.
Abandonment did not occur after his death on the cross, for “when he went tohisFather,he sentushisSpirit,tellingus, amwithyouuntiltheworld comes toan end’ (Matt28:20). ForChristisseatedat therighthandofhis
Father, and Christ dwells in human beings.”32 In order to provide some paradigmforappropriatingtheparadox thatChrist isonewithHis Father andthatChristdwellsamongmen,Aphrahatmakes analogytotheSun
which is one and yet falls onmany places at the same time; in thisway, too, Christ is not lessened because he is divided among all. He concludes, “IsnotthepowerofGod somuchgreaterseeingthatthesunitselfexists
by thepowerofGod!”33
Aphrahatemphasizes thatJesusChrist isnot lessenedinanyway because he is divided among all. This is illustratedby appeal to an event in the
life ofMoses. “When itwas proving too onerous forMoses to guide the 116
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[Israelite]camp by himself,theLord said tohim: will takea littleof
thespiritthatisupon you, and Iwill give [it]to theseventymen [who are] theeldersof Israel.’ (Num 11:17)When he had takena littleof the
ofMoses and the men had been filledwith Moses did spirit seventy it,
not lackanythingn,orwas his spiritrecognizedas havinghad a little taken from it.”34Likewise, Aphrahat writes, the early prophets received thespiritofChrist”each one of theminsofaras hewas able tobear.”35
ThespiritofChristwasthatsamespiriwtorkingthroughandreceivedby
theHebrew prophets, Elijah, Elisha and John. Through a comparison of
deeds,Aphrahat therebyexplains thatalthoughthespiritwas sharedby all, theRedeemer bequeathedhis spirittoothersfor”manyare thesigns
thatthespiritofChristhas performed[thesame spirit]fromwhich the prophets had received.”36
As David Taylorhas observedof theseteachingsinDemonstrationVI, Aphrahat teachesthat
theWord came down from on high, became a body, and dwelt among us, and on his return toHim who sent him he
tookbackthawthichhehadnotbroughtwithhim,raising us up to sit with him in heaven. Salvation is also often described in terms of conquering Satan, Sheol, and Death
byChrist,and a restorationand perfectionof theoriginal
creation…. Aphrahat’s Christology is orthodox, despite a marked lack of technical Christological terminology.37
Clarification of orthodox Christian doctrine is reflectedfurtherby
Aphrahat throughclarificationof orthodoxChristianpractice.Purity in
withinhis audience. holiness,Aphrahat insists,requiresrightrelationships
He exhorts: “Therefore, my brethren, any man who is a bar qyama…and wants a woman, who is a bat qyama like him, to live with him, in such a
case itisbetterthatheshouldtakeawifeopenlyandnotbeunrestrainedin
lust(1Cor 7:9). Likewise, inthecase ofawoman, itisappropriateforher,
if she is not going to separate from a man who is an ihidaya, to be openly with a husband.”38 Thus, “woman should livewith [another] woman, and a man ought to livewith [another] man.”39 This also applies to those who are married since spouses who live together may resort to their former state
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of union. Aphrahat locates the standard for this arrangement in the life of Moses who “since the time he was consecrated, his wife did not minister to
him;instead,itiswrittenasfollows,4Joshua,sonofNun,was theminister
toMoses fromhis youth [childhood].”’40Likewise,Moses commanded
the priests that “during their period ofministering.. .they should not know
theiwrives.”41 isoffered asfurther forthis Elijah, too, byAphrahat support
standardof celibacy. Itwas onlywhen Elijah fled fromJezebelandwas ministered to by a male disciple that “he was snatched up in a chariot of firetoheaven (2Kings 2:11-12), and thatbecame his abode forever.”42
For theChristian,thestruggleto liverightlyisassumed atbaptismand is rewardedattheresurrectionT.he SpiritofChristisreceivedatbaptism.
ForinthamtomentwhenthepriestsinvoketheSpirit,[the Spirit]opensup theheavens,descendsandhoversover thewater (Gen 1:2),while thosewho arebeingbaptized clothe themselves inher. The Spirit remains distant from
all who are of bodily birthuntil theycome to thebirth
[thatbelongs to thebaptismal]water; only thendo they receive theHoly Spirit.”43
In theirfirstbirthhumanbeings receivedanimal souls; intheirsecond
birthofbaptismtheyreceivedtheHoly Spirit”fromaportionofdivinity and this, too, is immortal.”44 In thisway, the baptized “put on the image of
thatheavenlyAdam.”45By nature,theSpiritisnotalwayswith theperson who receivesitforattimesit”goesandstandsbeforeGod andbeholdshis
face, and against the person who harms the temple inwhich she resides, shewill laycomplaintbeforeGod.”46This activityof theSpiritwas known
byDavid and by Saul: “Andwhenever hewas afflictedby an evil spirit, David would strikeupon the lyre,and theHoly Spirit thatDavid had
receivedwhen hewas anointed(1 Sam 16:3)would come along,and the
evil spirit thatwas consuming Saul would flee away from her presence.”47 At thetimeof theresurrectionthosewho “grieved”fortheSpiritofChrist
willbedifferentiatefdromthosewho”honored”itR.egardingtheformer, Aphrahat instructs that “once he has risen, he remains in his natural state,
naked of the Spirit.” In contrast, those among the latterwill be protected 118
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and “not found to be naked.” Of these, Aphrahat writes, “Christ will thank the body for preserving his Spirit in pure fashion.”48
THE BNAY QYAMA AS MARTYR, MONK, AND MYSTIC
In Demonstration VI, Aphrahat implies that the presence of strong hereticalviews, religiouspersecution,andwar betweenPersia andRome
are the”signs thatour Savior gave” thatwere beginningtobe fulfilled.49 Acceptanceofthecallforimitatiomneantbeingpreparedandwatchful for the coming of JesusChrist, that is, for thevictoryof Christ at the timeof theresurrection. a cosmic to
Aphrahat therebygives
the trials and suffering of the qyama, in general, and of the bnay qyama,
in particular, during this period. He reminds his audience that they are called toembodystaunchwitness to thepresenceof theSpiritofChrist in andagainstcontemporaryheterodoxhumanaffairsU.nitedby thecloakof
baptismtheyarecalled tobe faithfutlotheirpracticeofcontinenceand so tobewakeful and readyforthecomingjudgmentand reward.
Thus, in theirwakefulness and preparedness,themembers of thebnay qyama gave service to the broader Christian community. Among themany
epithets designated for the bnay qyama is “diligent servants.”50 Several of the exhortations inDemonstration VI specify the code of practice that
facilitated this role. Among these are fasting, prayers, visitation of the sick,
purity, and quiet, for “thus it is appropriate for the disciples of Christ to imitate Christ theirMaster.”51 Their response to lead lives of renunciation
and continencewas rooted ina specificunderstandingof relationshipto theworld: “Let us be aliens fromtheworld just as Christwas not of it
(John17:14).”52Such alienationwas an orientationtotheworld ratherthan a separationfromit;thatis,theiradoptionofalienationoccurredinand
intheChristian It is intheirimitationthat throughrelationship community.
themembers of the bnay qyama would have served “an informal role as spiritual instructors of their community.”53 Daniel Caner has written that,
“as spiritual exemplars, their lives were expected to reflect the voluntary poverty and humility of Christ.”54 In this public and visible imitation, the
members of the bnay qyama would have served as witnesses to the call to 119
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discipleship offered to all Christians. To this end, theirmonasticism served bothas “theexpressionundernew conditionsof theoriginalevangelical conceptofChristianitywhich had ruledthelifeof theearlyChurch”55and
the appropriate response to threats against it.
NOTES
1. Waddell, The Desert Fathers, 88. The Apophthegmata Patrum or Sayings of theDesert Fathers and Mothers emerged “from the give and-take of everyday life” in the eremetic and semi-eremetic practice
of lower The Word in the The Egypt (Burton-Christie, Desert, 77).
Sayings are extant in a wide range of collections and languages:
“These words were originally spoken and heard-probably in the Coptic tongue-rather thanwritten and read.. .The intimate relationship
between a master and disciple and, in particular, the request for a
‘word’ of power and salvationon thepart of thedisciple composed
the inwhich the The setting Sayings originated” (Burton-Christie,
Word in theDesert, 77). The majority of theSayings address practical issues pertaining to ascetic life such as statements imparting advice
or guidance about a particular concern, and statements instructing disciples on how tocultivatea specificvirtueor avoid a specificvice
or temptation.
2. It is important to note that I envision a connection between “union
withGod” and”mysticism”andthat,forthepurposeofdiscussion, IhavebeenintentionalinmyuseoftheformerH.ereImakeusof themethodological caution voiced by Andrew Louth who writes,
“It isnot possible tobegin to say anythingaboutmysticismwithout pointingout thattheverydefinitionand connotationof theword are
hotly disputed, and, in the particular case of mysticism in the early Christianperiod,thattheassociationsoftheword inmodernusage
are tobe inthecontextof late That likely highlymisleading antiquity.
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Bernadette McNary-Zak Department ofReligious Studies
Rhodes College
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5.
where theSyriacword fora ‘Single’ (ihidaya) in theLord’s service
may have promptedGreek-speakingChristianstheretobeginusing thetermmonachos todescribea celibateascetic” (Griffith”,Syria,
Syriac,” 877).
Brock, “Early Syrian Asceticism,” 1.
a definitionis said, working
and theword and ‘mysticism’
necessary
itscognateswill be used to referto a relationshipbetweenmen and
women andGod thatischaracterizedas unionwithGod, a union that
isreal,and therefordeoubtlessexperienced,thoughtheemphasisfalls on the reality of the experience, rather than on the experience itself
(Louth,”Mysticism,”208).
3. Bondi, “The Spirituality of Syriac-Speaking Christians,” 155.
4. Harmless,Desert Christians,All. SidneyGriffithas observed that their “distinctive forms of asceticism exercised an influence beyond theconfinesoftheSyriac-speakingterritorieasndevenas farasEgypt,
6. Brown, The Body and Society, 88.
7. “Asceticism in theChurch of 228. Griffith, Syria,”
8. Caner,Wandering,BeggingMonks, 55. SidneyGriffithexplains that “theexpressionbnayqyamamay be understoodtoexpress thestation
inlifetheihidayeassume,by takingtheextrasteptheytakeatbaptism to put on the heavenly Ihidaya.. .It seems to have been not so much a
matter of a spiritual elite.. .or a matter of a church within a church… although neither of these characterizations is false. Rather, the active stance that the ihidaya was expected to take in the community consisted
principally in serving as a type for his own people.. .This was the role of theihidayaas a livingiconofparadise restored.Itdeterminedhis
status within the ecclesial community.” (Griffith, “Asceticism in the Churchof Syria,”233).
9. Literally, the term bnay qyama means “sons of the covenant. Here it is usedinreferencetothebnay(male)andbnat(femalem)embersofthis
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group, the “sons and daughters of the covenant.” For discussion of the term and various renderings of itsmeaning, see Griffith, “Asceticism in theChurch of Syria.”
10. SebastianBrock explains,”Syriac isthelocalAramaic dialectofEdessa [modern Urfa, southeast Turkey] which from about the second century
became theliterarylanguageofAramaic-speakingChristianityinthe Eastern provinces of theRoman Empire and in thePersian Empire
further east” (Brock, “The Oriental Fathers,” 166).
11. Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 1.
12. On the Syriac language of theDemonstrations see Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 2. Two manuscripts survive in Syriac. The first contains Demonstrations I-Xaxi? is dated to 473-474 CE; the second contains
Demonstrations XI-XXIII and is dated to the sixth century. Cf. Voobus,
History ofAsceticism, 173.On Aphrahat’s sources seeLheto, “Divine Law, Asceticism, and Gender inAphrahat’s ‘Demonstrations.'”
13. See Voobus,History ofAsceticism, 184-190.
14.McCullough,AShortHistoryofSyriacChristianity,102M.cCullough dates the rule of Shapur II from 309-379 CE (McCullough, Short
History ofSyriacChristianity,116).
15.Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia, 213. For a description of some of the accusations against Christians and their replies, see Shaul Shaked,
Dualism inTransformation, 90-91. A prominent and common feature
of thechargesagainstChristiansisthattheysinagainstthereligionof thekingbynotworshippinga hostofZoroastriandeities.As Shaked
explains, “Royal interference in religious matters is an expression not somuch of interestinreligiounas of interestinholding thepopulace
in tight control…The kings did not hesitate to refer to themselves as coming ‘from the seed of the gods’…The claim of coming ‘from the gods’ is a statement which applies, from theZoroastrian point of view,
with a measure of accuracy, to every human being. We may take it that thekingsapplied thisphrase tothemselvesnot inthispiousZoroastrian
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sensebutas denotingthattheywere on a scale higherthanthatof the restofhumanity,”(Shaked,Dualism inTransformation1,12).
16. Jacobs,Histoire eccl?siastique: Sozomene, 15:2. 17. Jacobs, Histoire eccl?siastique: Sozomene, 15:5. 18.Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia, 202.
19. Taylor, ‘The Syriac Tradition,” 214.
20. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, 11.
21. Aphrahat composed twenty-threedemonstrations that were intended to stand as a single work. Literary analysis reveals that the
Demonstrations are linkedby an alphabetical acrostic; that is, the first letter of each Demonstration corresponds to a letter in the Syriac alphabet. For discussion of this structure see Owens, The Genesis and
Exodus Citations, 4-5. Demonstrations are also often referred to as discourses, treatises, and homilies.
22. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, 108.
23.
24. 25. 26. 27. 28.
Negundatt, “The Covenanters,” 201. The length ofDemonstration VI providesadditionalsupportforthecase thatitwas intendedtobe read
and not pronounced.
Jacobs, Aphrahat Demonstrations VI, verse 1.
Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 5.
Valanolickal, Valanolickal, Valanolickal,
“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:2. “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:3. “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:2.
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^^^^1^
29. Valanolickal,
30. Valanolickal,
31. Valanolickal,
32. Valanolickal,
33. Valanolickal,
34. Valanolickal,
35. Valanolickal,
36. Valanolickal,
37. Taylor,”The SyriacTradition,”214.
6:9. 6:10. 6:10. 6:10. 6:11. 6:12. 6:12. 6:13.
6:4. 6:4. 6:5. 6:5. 6:5. 6:14. 6:14. 6:18. 6:15. 6:16.
38. Valanolickal, 39. Valanolickal, 40. Valanolickal, 41. Valanolickal, 42. Valanolickal, 43. Valanolickal, 44. Valanolickal, 45. Valanolickal, 46. Valanolickal, 47. Valanolickal,
“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,”
124
“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,”
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^^^^7 48.
49. 50. 51. 52. 53.
54. 55.
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Corpus